BREAKING: Pete Buttigieg verbally dismantles J.D. Vance for believing in nothing and standing only for himself: “If it’s convenient for him to be a fascist, he’ll be a fascist.miumiu

BREAKING: Pete Buttigieg’s Brutal Takedown of JD Vance as “Convenient Fascist” Ignites Firestorm Amid Trump-Epstein Meltdown

By Marcus Hale, Political Correspondent Austin, TX – November 18, 2025

The Texas Tribune Festival, typically a staid gathering of policy wonks and politicos, erupted into a viral maelstrom Friday when former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg unleashed a scorching, unfiltered evisceration of Vice President JD Vance. In a session moderated by The Atlantic‘s Jeffrey Goldberg, Buttigieg didn’t just critique Vance—he dismantled him, branding the Ohio senator a political chameleon whose beliefs shift with the winds of convenience, even if that means donning fascist stripes. “If it’s convenient for him to be a fascist, he’ll be a fascist,” Buttigieg quipped, his Midwestern cadence laced with disdain. The line, delivered with surgical precision, has since amassed over 12 million views across platforms, fueling a national debate on opportunism, ideology, and the fragility of Trump’s second-term grip.

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The exchange unfolded against a backdrop of escalating chaos in Washington, where a deluge of Jeffrey Epstein files—unsealed piecemeal by a bipartisan House Oversight Committee—has thrust Trump’s past associations into the spotlight. Emails from Epstein’s estate, released Wednesday, reference Trump over a dozen times, including a 2002 memo noting “DJT requests discretion on Mar-a-Lago overlaps” with Epstein’s network. The revelations, coupled with Trump’s abrupt Sunday reversal—urging House Republicans to vote for full file release after months of stonewalling—have GOP insiders whispering of a presidency on the brink. As one anonymous Hill staffer put it: “Epstein’s ghost is haunting Mar-a-Lago, and Vance is the one holding the Ouija board.” With midterms looming and Trump’s approval dipping to 39% in a fresh Gallup poll, eyes are turning to Vance as a potential heir—or scapegoat.

Goldberg wasted no time cutting to the chase. “Do you think that JD Vance is a fascist?” he asked Buttigieg, referencing Vance’s recent rhetoric on “blood-and-soil nationalism” and ethno-religious belonging—echoes of Vance’s stump speeches framing American identity as a zero-sum game for “real” citizens. Buttigieg, 43 and freshly minted as a Democratic elder statesman, paused for a beat, then unleashed.

“Whatever… If it’s convenient for him to be a fascist, he’ll be a fascist,” Buttigieg replied, drawing gasps from the Paramount Theatre audience. “Maybe later on, he’ll go back to being a Silicon Valley Democrat. He’ll be whatever he needs to be.” The zinger landed like a gut punch, underscoring Vance’s meteoric—and mercurial—trajectory. A Yale Law grad and venture capitalist mentored by Peter Thiel, Vance once embodied coastal elitism, hobnobbing with tech titans and decrying Trump as “cultural heroin” for the working class. Now, as Trump’s veep, he’s the administration’s attack dog, defending election denialism and mass deportations with Thiel-funded fervor.

Buttigieg didn’t stop there. He pivoted to Vance’s infamous 2016 flip-flop, a tale as old as Washington but weaponized here with fresh venom. “Right? I mean, this is a guy who went from ‘Donald Trump is Hitler’—that’s what he said—to, you know, ‘I have seen the error of my ways,'” Buttigieg continued, his voice dripping sarcasm. Vance’s private texts, unearthed during his 2022 Senate run, paint a damning portrait: In one, he messaged a college roommate, “I go back and forth between thinking Trump is a cynical asshole like Nixon who wouldn’t be that bad… or that he’s America’s Hitler.” Publicly, Vance called Trump “reprehensible” and an “idiot,” vowing never to vote for him. Fast-forward to 2024: Vance, fresh off Trump’s endorsement, goose-steps as his most loyal foot soldier, defending the January 6 rioters as “patriots” and Thiel’s dark-money machine as “free speech.”

J.D. Vance là ai mà được cựu Tổng thống Trump chọn làm người đồng hành  tranh cử?

“One whiff of power and the Peter Thiel acolyte began gleefully goose-stepping,” Buttigieg added, invoking Vance’s billionaire benefactor, whose Palantir empire thrives on government surveillance contracts. The crowd erupted in applause, but Buttigieg pressed on, diagnosing Vance’s ideology as a “vein of something that every society, including ours, has—this idea that your belonging depends on your participation in this kind of ethno-religious…” He trailed off, letting the implication hang: nationalism laced with exclusion.

Goldberg, sensing the moment’s gravity, shifted to a broader query: “Okay, to you, what is American exceptionalism?” Buttigieg’s response was a masterclass in Democratic messaging—concise, aspirational, and a direct rebuke to MAGA’s grievance politics. “The American exception is our commitment to democratic equality. Yes. Now it’s not so exceptional, but we led the way,” he said. “And with that comes a whole set of commitments and beliefs around what it takes to make sure that the government works for the people and not the other way around. We built that, we invented that stuff, and we should take more pride in it.”

The conversation peaked with Buttigieg’s dire warning on Trump’s assaults on electoral integrity. “That’s why all of the very, very, very, very many terrible things the president did, the one that is the most dangerous and the most harmful still is going after the integrity of our elections,” he declared. “Because the elections are the beating heart of not just our government, but our nation.” In a presidency defined by 91 felony counts, two impeachments, and now Epstein’s specter—where unsealed docs reveal Trump’s “discretion” requests amid Epstein’s schemes—the point lands with nuclear force. Trump’s Sunday about-face on the files, after pressuring Republicans to kill a discharge petition, reeks of cornered desperation. House GOP rebels like Reps. Thomas Massie and Marjorie Taylor Greene, defying Trump, now hold the whip hand, with a vote slated for Tuesday that could force full disclosure.

Vance’s camp fired back swiftly. In a midnight X thread, the VP-elect—still smarting from his 2021 “childless cat ladies” gaffe—called Buttigieg a “woke mayor playing dress-up in D.C.,” dismissing the fascist jab as “coastal hysteria.” Trump, golfing at Bedminster, Truth Socialed: “Little Petey Buttigieg—failed mayor, failed cabinet hack—attacks JD, the best VP ever! Sad!” Yet the barbs stuck: A Morning Consult poll Monday showed Vance’s favorability at a dismal 28% among independents, down 5 points post-festival.

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Democrats, sensing blood amid the Epstein torrent, are rallying. Buttigieg, eyed as a 2028 frontrunner, used the platform to audition: critiquing his party’s “identity suck” while touting Midwestern values. Allies like Sen. Amy Klobuchar texted support: “You just gave Vance the shovel he needs to dig his own grave.” The clip’s virality—stitched on TikTok with Vance’s Hitler texts—has amplified calls for a special counsel on Epstein’s Trump ties, with Rep. Ro Khanna tweeting: “Vance’s opportunism mirrors the cover-up. Time for truth.”

As Trump’s teetering regime—besieged by shutdown scars, deportation riots, and Epstein’s unearthed skeletons—eyes Vance as savior, Buttigieg’s words echo like a requiem. The “convenient fascist” isn’t just a burn; it’s a blueprint for 2026 midterms, where GOP defectors could flip the script. In Austin’s afterglow, one festivalgoer summed it: “Pete didn’t just roast Vance—he lit the fuse.” With files flooding out and loyalties fracturing, the explosion can’t be far behind.

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